The War Against Iraq

Richard Butler argues, "ibn Talal Hussein's fundamental goal is to retain his own power and position . . . [which] does explain a great deal about the system of terror and backup man he runs in Iraq and the extraordinary wall of security he has built around himself" (xvii-xviii). In 1988, an Iraqi village called Halabja seek to revolt against Saddam. He destroyed the entire town. It is no hourlong on the map. In 1991, he killed 30,000 people in Al Najaf to prevent them from turning against him. These kinds of actions help to keep others who would fight him in spite of appearance his country silent.

Those Iraqis who have escaped fear for the lives of their friends and family who remain behind. I know many of these refugees here in the United States. I do non know of a single unmatched who wants Saddam to remain in power. I do non know of a single wiz who believes that any citizen nether Saddam's control will ever be safe. My friends here melodic theme that about 90 percent of the Iraqi population is against Saddam, much(prenominal)over they apprizenot speak out for fear of death or torture. For compassionate rights ab holds against his people alone, Saddam should be removed from power.

Saddam is not the only dictator in the world who uses his position to kill, terrorize, and discover control over the people within his country. However, he is one of the few who is foolhardy enough to go outside his borders. He invaded my country, Kuwait, in 1990, trying to take over the count

The United States came close to getting rid of Saddam once before. The Gulf War was a strong effort to end his governing. Unfortunately, the job was not finished. Charles W. Freeman Jr., President of the mediate East Policy Council, argues, "The failure to translate a arresting military defeat of Saddam's forces in Kuwait in 1991 into a political humiliation for him is what has left him in power" (Laipson 1). In the date since then, Saddam has grown much powerful and more sure that he atomic number 50not be defeated. He has come to believe that no one else in the world has his same reckless lack of fear. He has come to believe that he can do as he pleases without answering to anyone.

Ending Saddam's regime may actually have some benefits in a region of the world that is already unstable. Patrick L. Clawson observes that a change in regime would be likely to make Israel more free to make other compromises toward Middle East peace: "An Israel that is more relaxed about its eastern front is likely to be more prep bed to make some concessions on the West depository financial institution on security matters. This would besides make it easier for Israel to consider what can be done about the Golan" (Laipson 7).

While backing him into a corner might make him more likely to use these weapons, allowing him to keep them and hide them makes him a continuing danger. Venter contends, "Iraq has tended to be devious throughout the inspection period" (51). Those who argue for time to inspectors to do their work overlook the fact that Saddam has been genuinely good about keeping inspections from showing anything at all.

Rothschild also observes that declaring war on Saddam will weaken American connections with current allies and cause havoc in the Moslem world, especially among nations that already have shaky relationships with the United States. Yet, Saddam's connections are mostly with the terrorist fringe. This action may encourage more attempts to profits terror on Americans, but many of these groups
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